Thread and cloth.

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Terracotta-spindle-whorls-Songo Mnara 2011 Jeffrey Fleisher

Taken from: CRAFT AND INDUSTRY by Adria LaViolette in The Swahili World (2018).

 

Before local manufacturing of cotton cloth on the coast, a variety of woven plant and tree fibres (such as kapok) as well as leather were probably the main source of coastal clothing (Brown 1988; Horton 2004); by the Portuguese period raffia fibre, still in use in the Comoros to make fine clothing, was not being noted in accounts of the mainland coast (Prestholdt 1998). In late first-millennium Swahili sites, there is as yet no evidence of the cotton cloth that would become such an important local industry; at Tumbe (and the small village of Kimimba nearby), for example, Sarah Walshaw (2010) identified only a few seeds consistent with baobab and (wild) cotton. Also, as with other coastal sites of this period, there were no spindle whorls to indicate thread being spun (Fleisher and LaViolette 2013).

Just a short time later, however, by the founding eleventh-century levels of the nearby town of Chwaka, there is abundant botanical evidence for cotton (Walshaw 2010), plus spindle whorls, made of rounded local or imported-ceramic potsherds (at Shanga and Kilwa there are purpose-made terracotta examples; Horton 2004) in keeping with contemporary coastal trends (Chittick 1974; Horton 1996: 336–341; Kusimba 1996). Horton (2004) attributes this burst of cotton production to technology transfer from India (cf. Brown 1988). In the absence of robust botanical evidence from many sites, or the survival of wooden loom elements of any kind, spindle whorls are the major index for thread and cloth production.

 

Shanga (Horton 1996, this volume) produced a variety of evidence for cloth production, beginning with spindle whorls from around 1000 CE, which peaked in number about a century later, and faded out c. 1300. Horton (2004) also located timber sheds attached to multiple houses with associated stone tanks dating to the fourteenth century, which he suggests could be related to cloth treatment and dyeing. Increases in production of both thread and cloth during the early second millennium suggest growing demand for them locally, and its production for export to interior continental locations and elsewhere, but by the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries a reduction in spindle-whorl evidence suggests that locally spun thread had become less desirable (Kusimba 1997: 510–11; Horton 2004). More prestigious cloth and clothing options, by that time, were imported cottons and silks particularly from India; they were worn in that form, but also became raw materials for an expanded Swahili weaving industry.

Textiles were ultimately produced in many coastal towns: major centres included Mogadishu, Pate, Kilwa, Sofala and the Kirimba Islands and nearby mainland in Mozambique. Based on accounts from Ibn Battuta, Mogadishu was exporting cotton cloth to the Persian Gulf and Egypt in the 14th century.

A tiny square of indigo-dyed cotton cloth was found in 1984 in association with the eleventh-century Mtambwe coin hoard on Pemba (Horton et al. 1986); Horton (2004) suggests it is a likely Indian import, but could have been made locally (Horton, in press; LaViolette)

The Kilwa Chronicle relating the purchase of Kilwa island clearly illustrate the importance of textiles and its link to Islam. (See my webpage on the Kilwa Chronicle).

 

Taken from: GLOBAL COMMERCE, SOUTH ASIA AND THE SWAHILI WORLD by Rahul Oka (2018)

 

By the eleventh–twelfth centuries CE, some Swahili sites were emerging as regional centres of cloth production, namely Kilwa, Zeila, Kisimayo and Shanga (Horton 1996; Fleisher 2014). The cloth industry served as both a key revenue source for the towns and as material ways to mediate status. Coastal cloth was produced in two ways:

-Local cotton was grown, spun into threads and woven into fabrics.

-Coloured cloths  were imported from South Asia, and were then separated into individual threads and rewoven into cloth for local tastes and preferences (Oka 2008).

By 1200 CE, South Asian cloth did not satisfy local tastes and preferences until it was rewoven locally. However, in this period, South Asian and other foreign traders had no incentive, nor the ability, to destroy the coastal cloth system, especially since cloth was purchased from South Asia.

The South Asian cloth industry, despite or probably because of its cheapness, was unable or unwilling to displace/replace the Swahili rewoven cloth industry. Since South Asian cloth could not directly satisfy the tastes and preferences of African consumers unless it was woven to Swahili tastes.

 

Note: A very important message about the gigantic cloth trade of India (Cambay) with East Africa is given in the very early texts of the Portuguese.

The travel notes of the clergyman João Figueira (With Vasco da Gama):

 

[...] and as they went, [from the coast of Natal to the north] there were views of a sail that came from the sea to land, with which they took great pleasure, giving much praise to Our Lord for bringing them to land of navigation.

……………

This sailboat managed, however, to escape pursuit. However, further ahead, " they saw a large cove and just at the tip they saw a zambuco breaking out". The lowered boat managed to reach a village close to the zambuco, whose six black crew members escaped by swimming to land. All that was left in it was “a Moor who didn’t run away because he didn’t know how to swim”. He was a native of Cambaia and, ready to collaborate with a view to improving his business, he advised the Portuguese how they should avoid the Sofala shoals ……

 

Hans Mayr, a German sailor in the service of the Portuguese (1505).

 

Mombasa is a very large town and lies on an island from one and a half to two leagues round. The town is built on rocks on the higher part of the island and has no walls on the side of the sea; but on the land side it is protected by a wall as high as a fortress. The houses are of the same type as those of Kilwa: some of them are three storeyed and all are plastered with lime. The streets are very narrow, so that two people cannot walk abreast in them: all the houses have stone seats in front of them, which made the streets yet narrower.

The Grand-Captain met with the other captains and decided to burn the town that evening and to enter it the following morning.... Once the fire was started it raged all night long, and many houses collapsed and a large quantity of goods was destroyed. For from this town trade is carried on with Sofala and with Cambay by sea. There were three ships from Cambay and even these did not escape the fury of the attack....

The Grand-Captain ordered that the town should be sacked and that each man should carry off to his ship whatever he found: so that at the end there would be a division of the spoil, each man to receive a twentieth of what he found. The same rule was made for gold, silver, and pearls. Then everyone started to plunder the town and to search the houses, forcing open the doors with axes and iron bars.... A large quantity of rich silk and gold embroidered clothes was seized, and carpets also...

On the morning of the 16th they again plundered the town, but because the men were tired from fighting and from lack of sleep, much wealth was left behind apart from what each man took for himself. They also carried away provisions, rice, honey, butter, maize, countless camels and a large number of cattle, and even two elephants.... There were many prisoners, and white women among them and children, and also some merchants from Cambay....

 

Duarte Barbosa ; Livro de Duarte Barbosa c. 1516

 

He wrote of Zanzibar and Pemba that the elite “are clad in very fine silk and cotton garments which they purchase at Mombaca from the Cambaya merchants.” Mombasa had a large trade, “and also great ships both of those which come from Cofala and those which go thither and others which come from the great kingdom of Cambaya and from Melynde.”

In Malindi, Barbosa claimed that the Muslim inhabitants “are great barterers, and deal in cloth, gold, ivory, and divers other wares with the Moors and Heathen of the great kingdom of Cambay; and to their haven come every year many ships with cargoes of merchandise, from which they get great store of gold, ivory and wax. In this traffic, the Cambay merchants make great profits and thus, on one side and the other, they earn much money. There is great plenty of food in this city”, including wheat imported from Cambay.

 

Friar João dos Santos (1622) Ethiopia Oriental (Vária historia de cousas notaveis do Oriente), Lisbon.

 

And there were in the city (Mombasa) quantities of cotton cloth from Cambay because all this coast dresses in these cloths and has no others.

 

Note: E.A. Alpers has estimated that only 4 per cent of the total export trade of western India was with East Africa.